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the societal impact of future mobile services is analysed in the following pages, by focusing on some exemplary cases This review provides a contribution to the business modelling discussion, with special regard to the four generic business models presented in Section 922 In doing so, the socioeconomic analysis of technology is taken as the privileged point of view; more precisely, this refers to the broader approach in which socioeconomics is understood as a meta-discipline that pursues a better understanding of the social and economic impacts of any product or service offering, new technology or market intervention [15] As for the analysis of the cases at hand, the investigation is centred on the potential impact of a number of ideas about mobile applications and services on existing and emerging issues in the society and the economy as a whole.



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People have better access to their own beliefs about a group s capabilities than they do to a group s beliefs about its capabilities Beliefs, even those about a group s capabilities, reside in human beings and not in inanimate social systems Groups are not alive in the same way that human beings are alive If a group were alive in the same way, then we could ask it, directly, about its efficacy beliefs or take its blood pressure There would be no need for informants We cannot ask a group about its efficacy beliefs because groups are not alive in the same way that human beings are alive.





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Even when a collection of people who define what we believe to be a group at some point in time are gathered together for the purpose of forming a single, group-level estimate of collective efficacy, questions about the validity of these measures arise because of social persuasion and conformity (Bandura, 1997; Paskevich et al, 1999) If a singular group entity existed and held a set of beliefs, there would be nothing for it to conform those beliefs to in this setting because it would be the only entity being prodded.

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contextual biases that can contaminate attitude reports (see Schwarz, 1999) Although attitude reports are clearly in uenced by the immediate context, a strict constructivist view of attitudes seems implausible for a variety of reasons First, as we review later in this chapter, research has demonstrated that individuals experience aversive arousal when they violate their existing attitudes (eg, Elliot & Devine, 1994; Elkin & Leippe, 1986; Losch & Cacioppo, 1990), and individuals are often motivated to defend their attitudes in the face of counterattitudinal appeals (eg, Ditto & Lopez, 1992; Ditto, Scepansky, Munro, Apanovitch, & Lockhart, 1998; Edwards & Smith, 1996; Kunda, 1990; Petty & Cacioppo, 1979a) These ndings are consistent with the view that some attitudinal representation exists in memory Furthermore, research has delineated the conditions under which motivated defense versus attitude construction processes will operate (eg, Fazio, Zanna, & Cooper, 1977).

Second, attitudes can be automatically activated under response conditions that would make spontaneous construction seem unlikely (Bargh, Chaiken, Govender, & Pratto, 1992; Bargh, Chaiken, Raymond, & Hymes, 1996; Fazio, Sanbonmatsu, Powell, & Kardes, 1986) Third, it would seem to be functionally maladaptive for individuals to store a lot of attitude-relevant beliefs for attitude reconstruction in the absence of summary evaluative representations (see also Lingle & Ostrom, 1981) Fourth, research has uncovered structural properties of attitudes that can in uence their persistence across a variety of contexts (see Petty & Krosnick, 1995) If there were no stored attitudes, and evaluations were simply constructed anew each time the attitude object was encountered, many of the processes described in this chapter would have little theoretical utility Instead, attitude change researchers would better spend their time focusing solely on context effects rather than procedures aimed at changing memorial evaluative representations.

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