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Unlike aversive racism, however, items and scales to assess symbolic and modern racism have been constructed by their adherents and have proven very popular in survey and experimental research on prejudice by psychologists in the late twentieth century McConahay (1986), for example, presented a Modern Racism Scale (MRS) and an Old-Fashioned Racism Scale (OFRS), with moderate, positive correlations between the two, and items loading on one or the other factor in exploratory factor analyses Whereas the OFRS was reactive (ie, White US respondents scores were lower when it was administered by a Black experimenter than by a White one), the MRS was nonreactive (at least in the 1980s) Items from symbolic or modern racism scales became the standard measure of prejudice toward Blacks in the United States in the 1980s and 1990s and are still frequently used in this regard.



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We give tight bounds on the size of n when k is not 0 or n using the k result of Wozencraft and Reiffen [568]: Lemma 17.5.1 For 0 < p < 1, q = 1 p, such that np is an integer, n nH (p) 1 1 2 . np npq 8npq (17.41)





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Conjugated linoleic acids (CLAs) have attracted considerable attention as nutraceutical compounds found in foods. CLAs were initially found in cooked ground beef by Pariza et al. (1983). Later, they were found in the meat and milk of ruminants (Gnadig et al. 2000; Watkins and Yong 2001; Nagao and Yanagita 2005). CLA is most abundant in the fat of ruminant animals, such as cattle and sheep, since CLA is converted from linoleic acid by the isomerase of rumen bacteria. CLA produced in the rumen is transported to muscles and mammary tissue of animals. For example, beef fat contains 3.1 to 8.5 mg CLA per g of fat (Hasler 1988). CLA is composed of a group of positional and geometric isomers of octadecadienoic acid. The most common CLA isomer found in beef is octadeca-c9,t11-dienoic acid (Fig. 24.3, top). Much attention has been paid to

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1990; Harter, 1990; Horn & Weiss, 1991). This topic has been studied extensively in children and adolescents, but there is evidence for changes well into adulthood. I also explore the development of emotional responses and discuss how social interactions and emotional experiences become increasingly linked as we progress through adulthood (e.g., Carstensen, 1993; Carstensen, Pasupathi, Mayr, & Nesselroade, 2000; Crocker, Kowalski, Hoar, & McDonough, 2004). These changes are then linked to actual physical activity (e.g., Leslie, Fotheringham, Owen, & Bauman, 2001) and the strategies individuals use to sustain their sport and physical activity participation over the life span (e.g., Langley & Knight, 1999). Attention is paid throughout to the role of the social context in moderating and mediating the relationship between affect and cognitions on behavior. In the concluding section of the chapter, I offer suggestions for how a life span perspective might be pursued by researchers and practitioners in sport psychology. I discuss issues related to methodology and attempt to answer the question: Why isn t there more life span developmental research in our field It is my hope that by promoting a life span developmental perspective, we may, as Weiss and Raedeke (2004, p. 2) aptly put it, demystify the notion of a developmental perspective and advocate its wider use in future research. DEFINING A LIFE SPAN DEVELOPMENTAL APPROACH Human development is a field of study devoted to understanding constancy and change throughout the life span (Baltes, 1987; Berk, 1998). Paul Baltes (e.g., Baltes, 1987; Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 1998; Baltes, Reese, &

In the twenty- rst century, newer scales such as the Blatant and Subtle Prejudice Scales (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995) or the Social Dominance Orientation Scale (Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), both of which are discussed later, are perhaps more apt to become the preferred, paper-andpencil measures of prejudice Sniderman and Tetlock (1986), themselves prominent political psychologists, have strongly criticized the constructs and measurement of symbolic and modern racism Among other things, they criticized symbolic and modern racism for being unclear as to the causal relation between anti-Black affect and core American values, for equating political policy preferences (eg, opposition to busing school children or af rmative action) with racism itself, and for suggesting that old-fashioned racism no longer existed in the United States Sniderman and Tetlock even contended that symbolic racism theory was unfalsi able and therefore unscienti c.

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