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theories of aversive racism, symbolic and modern racism, response ampli cation, ambivalent sexism, and blatant versus subtle prejudice Aversive Racism Dovidio and Gaertner (1986), for example, proposed a theory of aversive racism, in which they characterized the racial attitudes of most liberal, White Americans today as a subtler and less obviously bigoted view of Black Americans than the dominative racism (ie, old-fashioned, redneck views of White superiority and Black inferiority) of previous generations According to the aversive racism perspective, prejudice in the United States of the later twentieth century became a subtler, less direct, and perhaps more pernicious form than before, although dominative racism has not disappeared altogether.

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Aversive racism theory suggests that on one hand, most White Americans subscribe strongly to an egalitarian value system, inclining them to sympathize with victims of injustice, such as Black Americans and other racial minorities, and to support policies promoting racial equality This strong adherence to egalitarianism enables White Americans to regard themselves as being unprejudiced and nondiscriminatory This positive component of the ambivalence comprising aversive racism is not assumed, however, to include genuinely pro-Black attitudes or sentiments of true friendship between Whites and Blacks in the United States On the other hand, owing to a historically racist culture in the United States and certain feelings of negative affect (eg.

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, uneasiness, disgust, fear, and discomfort, though not necessarily hostility or hate) toward Black Americans, most White Americans are assumed to avoid Black-White interracial interactions and to be biased and discriminatory toward Black Americans in situations in which they can do so without appearing to be prejudiced or in which it may be justi ed under a rationale preserving their erstwhile egalitarian values Aversive racism is not assumed to be a psychopathological phenomenon but rather to re ect normal cognitive processes and the in uence of sociocultural and historical processes on White Americans Several implications ow from aversive racism theory and the idea that aversive racists are strongly motivated and vigilant to avoid appearing racially bigoted First, traditional prejudice measures in the form of standard attitude scales would presumably be dif cult and perhaps of limited use for assessing aversive racism, according to Dovidio and Gaertner (1986).

Nevertheless, based on survey research up to the 1990s, Dovidio and Gaertner (1991) estimated that perhaps a fth of White US citizens were overtly racist The other 80%.

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codeword represent the message, and the last n k bits are parity check bits Such a code is called a systematic code The code is often identi ed by its block length n, the number of information bits k and the minimum distance d For example, the above code is called a (7,4,3) Hamming code (ie, n = 7, k = 4, and d = 3) An easy way to see how Hamming codes work is by means of a Venn diagram Consider the following Venn diagram with three circles and with four intersection regions as shown in Figure 710 To send the information sequence 1101, we place the 4 information bits in the four intersection regions as shown in the gure We then place a parity bit in each of the three remaining regions so that the parity of each circle is even (ie.

8Planning period refers to telecommunication planning. Here we mean advanced planning for growth. Planning periods may be 5, 10, or 15 years in advance of an installation date. 9Main frame is a facility, often a frame at a switching center, where all circuits terminate and where they may be cross connected. In other words, this is a location where we can get physical or virtual access to a circuit and where we may recon gure assets. Main frames in local serving switches often are extremely large, where 10,000 or more subscriber lines terminate.

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